Tuesday 23 October 2012

EXAMINING R. PANIKKAR’S INSIGHTS ON TRINITY IN THE CONTEXT OF WORLD RELIGIONS


A summary based on Cousins, Ewert. “Trinity and World Reigions”. Journal of Ecumenical Studies.476-498.


Part I: New Phase of Ecumenism and Trinitarian Theology: Method and Insights of Raymond  Panikkar

 “Perhaps future historians will designate the period from Nicaea to the twentieth century as an early stage in the development of the doctrine of the Trinity, for a new phase is ushered in when the Logos perspective of Christianity opens to encompass the apophatism of Buddhism and the unifying spirituality of Hinduism” writes Ewert Cousins as he concludes his work “Trinity and World Religions” after carefully analyzing the unique contribution of Raymond Panikkar[1] for Ecumenism through an all encompassing theology of the Trinity.

Every epoch has its influence in the development of our understanding of the mystery of reality (divine, human and cosmos). New shades of understanding emerge shedding new light. There is no point where we could we have grasped everything of the complex whole. The puzzle was unveiled by continental thought with hermeneutics and post-modernity. Every thought thereafter was situated within its historical setting (socio-political-cultural-religious setting in time and place). There grew a greater awareness about the development of thought with the changing times. Here we discuss the development of the Christian understanding of divine in the past and the need to relearn it in our encounter with the East. 

In its encounter with Judaism, Greek thought, early Christianity gradually moved beyond historical Jesus conceptualizing Jesus as eternal Logos who conceived the universe and further sustains it through the Spirit. This resulted in the composition of ‘cosmic hymns’ of the new testament see Johannine prologue (Jn 1.1-18) and Colossians (1.15-20). Thus they began to see Christ as more than mere redeemer of the believers (Christians).

The line of thought further developed with the rise of new scholars in similar context like Justin Martyr and Clement of Alexandria. There evolved thus Logos Christology attributing everything good, wise and beautiful in all cultures to Logos who is fully manifested in the incarnate Christ. This served well even in our encounter with Islam; they could not challenge us on this point. Later in the Middle Ages and the Modern Period with the rise of scientific development theologians like Bonaventure and Teilhard de Chardin extended this concept to explain the development of the science and secularism. Teilhard would note, “Christ is the Omega of evolution, drawing the entire universe to its ultimate development, from the least particle of matter to be expanded consciousness of the world community”.[2]

Logos Christology has served well Christianity in the West. It was able to relate with Judaism and Greek thought and differentiate itself from Islam founded on God’s word revealed to human beings.  Moreover, the endeavor has succeeded because Graeco-Roman and Semitic cultures were based on logos – as word and thought. But since its encounter with the East, Christianity is limping as to come to terms with its major religions and cultures – Buddhism and Advaidic Hinduism. Either we negate them to be false or we neglect them as non-existent.

We feel helpless because we are encountering religions and culture, which have no grounding in logos and technically negate it. Buddhism for example has no idea of revelation. It is silent about ultimate reality (God). If they ever explain it they call it as ‘sunya’ – ‘emptiness and void’. For the Buddhists, logos is irrelevant because words are harmful and deceptive. They do not serve the purpose. Hence they enter into meditation. Their ultimate goal of life is to realize the nothingness of existence - ‘Nirvana’ meaning ‘a blowing out’. Normally, Christians are confused listening to them. For us they are somewhere between atheists and moralists.

Advaidic Hinduism on the other hand denies the duality of our relationship with God; Hence the irrelevance of Logos to reveal the divine mystery. It contends Brahman as the ultimate self and the world as not as real as Brahman. Thus it poses a direct threat to the whole theology of incarnation. For us the theory seems pantheistic jeopardizing the transcendence of God and the identity of the self. The problem is intensified as these two doctrines form the core of their entire spirituality.

Amidst mixed opinions of theologians and scholars who attempted to dialogue with these traditions, Panikkar meets the challenge squarely with a new approach. Of the two possibilities either to change them or find a platform to dialogue Panikkar chooses the latter. He explains our inability to enter into a dialogue with these traditions by pointing finger at our platform ‘Christ as the eternal Logos’. We stand on a platform that is irrelevant to these traditions. Hence he signals the need to go beyond the universalizing logos Christology. He discovers a common ground between us and these traditions in the doctrine of the Trinity.

Panikkar describes the three persons of the Trinity as three aspects of the divinity, hence include three forms of spirituality. The Father represents the silent dimension of the Buddhism. Since he expresses only through the son and of himself is utterly silent. The Son represents the personalistic dimension of Christianity, Judaism and Islam. He relates to the world, acts as a mediator. We are created, sustained and redeemed in him. The Spirit stands for the imminent dimension of Advaidic Hindusim. It helps us identify the unity in difference between the Father and the Son. In the Son we realize our non-duality with the Father and the whole cosmos. The three persons of the trinity thus represent three different forms of spirituality, three different approaches to the divine.

The novelty of his approach is his dialogue founded on pluralism that retains the individuality of the doctrines at the same time affirming a profound unity. Unlike the past, he founded his dialogue on the spirituality of religions, their rich experience of the divine, than on their doctrinal speculations. Besides a ground breaking insight into a healthy dialogue between the major religious of the world, he has given us a new insight into the Trinity one that is founded on our experience of the divine. Yet, we may need to listen to others to understand the fullness of the mystery as it involves dimensions that are not prominent in our tradition. From the perspective of other traditions, it is an awakening to the latent Trinitarian insight in their respective traditions not so much referring to the Father, Son and Holy Spirit instead the attributes that give us perspective into the divine/infinite and its non-dual presence in the world.





[1] Ewert Cousins works on the article of Raymond Panikkar, “Towards an Ecumenical Theandric Spirituality”, Journal of Ecumenical Studies, (1968) 507-534.
[2] Cousins, 477-478. 



Part II - Examining Panikkar’s Proposal

Our aim is to examine whether, (i) Panikkar’s attempt to extend the Trinitarian doctrine to relate with world religions, (ii) and his new insights in our understanding of the Trinity, are in conformity to the tradition and teaching of the Church.

In the history of understanding the Trinity there has always been two tendencies one is to restrict it to the revelation in Christ and Church; the other is to universalize it to the entire universe – its creation, existence, and history. Panikkar would fall into the latter category. There were three universalizing currents in the history of Trinitarian theology: vestige doctrine of Augustinian tradition (West), doctrine of creation of Greek fathers (East), and appropriation doctrine of the western fathers and scholastics (medieval times).

Vestige tradition is founded on the Platonic Augustinianism. It conceived if Trinity was the first cause of all things as taught in scriptures then everything should have a Trinitarian stamp. Hence the school began to discover the trace (vestige) of Trinity in everything that exists from speck of dust, universe, to human being and his inter-personal relationship. More than a mere academic reflection it was meditation founded on philosophical and theological principles.  It got further affirmed in the Franciscan cosmic sense. Take for instance, Robert Grosseteste (ca. 1168–1253),[1] could trace Trinity in the speck of a dust: its existence represents the power which brought it into being (father); its beauty/complexity, the shape and form represent the wisdom (son) through which the dust was made by the power; and its usefulness represent the good end  (spirit) for which it is made in this case it is useful to understand Trinity. So did Bonaventure (1221 -1274)[2], Richard of St. Victor (d. 1173)[3] found the traces of Trinity in ‘nature and human psyche’ and ‘inter-personal relationships’. A closer observation of vestige tradition makes plain how it has traced the presence of Trinity from speck of dust to human inter-personal growth in a logical progression. Hence what Pannikar does is further expanding it to larger human community with its history, religion, philosophy and culture. This again is an older trend but frozen to Greek thought and Semitic religions (Mediterranean world).

The second universalizing outlook stemmed from Greek fathers (Athanasius, Basil, Gregory of Nyssa) who understood everything – creation, sustenance, redemption and sanctification - in terms of Trinitarian dynamic act. Hence they were able to be aware of the action of the three persons in the universe and history. Justin and Clement of Alexandria could attribute the wisdom of great Greek philosophers to the inspiration of the Logos, which later fully manifested in Jesus. Pannikar’s proposal within this trend would extend the dynamic activity of Trinity from creation, Christian redemption and sanctification to universal religious history. This would lead to an understanding of Trinitarian activity in universal terms.

Doctrine of appropriation on the other hand was an attempt to understand Trinity from its functions/attributes that distinguish one from the other. For example, consider power, wisdom and goodness theory of Grosseteste. It helped first to find the trace of Trinity in the universe, second to relate Trinity to a non-Christian’s doctrine of divinity. Bonaventure for example speaking of the Greek philosophers writes that they know the Trinity of appropriation and not the Trinity of persons which forms part of Christian faith. So do we surprisingly find Sankara and Ramanuja calling Brahman as sat/cit/ananda (being, consciousness and bliss), in a similar way, familiar with the Trinity of appropriation than the persons. In method though Panikkar is faithful to the medieval theologians, he is radically new by carrying appropriation to a new level of universalization not lingering on Trinitarian patterns in one or the other religion but discerns a Trinitarian pattern in world religions as a whole.
Recollect he always speaks of three conceptions of Absolute, three spiritual attitudes and three spiritualities evolving from them: Father, the silent/apophatic dimension fully manifest in Buddhism; Son, the personalistic dimension as one reveals the father appears in Judaism, Islam and Christianity; and Spirit, the immanent dimension is present in advaidic Hinduism. Thus he could sum all the religions in the Trinitarian insight of the Christian tradition with openness and profound respect for their intuition.

Panikkar has yet another job to be done. His new insights especially one that equates father to a profound silence/nothingness and undifferentiated union to the spirit has to prove itself against the traditional doctrine of Trinity: power to father and goodness to spirit. While attributing unity to spirit is a minor problem however non-negligible as it renders the advaitin insight to Spirit, the problem with the understanding of Father as silence appears quite opposed to traditional doctrine of Trinity.

If we dig the history of the development of the doctrine of Trinity within the church we find similar understanding in the writings of Ignatius of Antioch who compares father to son as silence to word. The son therefore is the word that emerges from the silence. Seen from another perspective, if we strip son, the Word through whom the father manifests, what remains is profound silence. This thinking did not however become part of the creeds or any other formulation of classical Trinitarian theology. But by way of theological reasoning in can be applied to other traditions of Trinitarian theology. In the vestige tradition, take the case of dust, if we mentally strip the matter and form from the dust what remains is silence. We at times have glimpse if through meditation we tend to go beneath the form. Similarly can we analyse human psyche where memory (the historicity and learning) is analogous to the father. Later it is also attributed to the soul.

But can we associate apophatic dimension to the father who is always viewed as a dynamic priniciple, the fountain/source/spring/root of existence? Yes, because although these theologians emphasize the dynamic fecundity/productivity of the father they hint at his silent depths from which springs the power. This is more evident in the contradictory attribution of paternity and unbeggotteness to the father. The apophatic/silent dimension is rooted in the unbegotteness of the father. Such expressions are also found in the mystical traditions of East like Pseudo-Dionysius.

Panikkar hence with his new approach has brought to light an aspect of Trinity which has been elusive nonetheless every present since the beginning. Moreover we note that he is rooted in Christian tradition but open to other spiritual traditions. As a result we find originality in his response to meet this new situation (encounter with world religions especially east). He has helped us realize that ‘all spiritual traditions are dimensions of each other and that at this point of history individuals throughout the world are becoming heir to the spiritual heritage of mankind’.[4] For us Christians this implies that we would not know the depths of our mystery unless we take seriously our encounter with world religions, in this case, Buddhism and Advaidic Hinduism.


[1] More on Robert Grosseteste see http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/grosseteste/
[3] More on Richard of St. Victor see http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/13045c.htm
[4] Cousins, “Trinity and World Religions”, 497. 



Thursday 4 October 2012

THEOLOGY OF CONFIRMATION


Information, Reasoning, Faith Reflection, and Discussion
A summary based on Puthanangady, Paul. Baptism and Confirmation (Bangalore: TPI, 2006 ).

Ceremony of Roman Catholic Confirmation

Preliminary Note
Every Sacrament initiates us into the participation of salvation wrought through Jesus Christ. Hence the context for a theology of the sacrament of confirmation is the economy of salvation. Confirmation celebrates the special role of the Holy Spirit in the life of the individual believer and in the church. We intend, in this discussion, to make sense of this special role of the Holy Spirit.[1] In the context of ambiguity about the distinction between the sacraments of baptism and confirmation, the discussion becomes important and relevant.

History
In the early church, as we learn from Pauline corpus and from patristic tradition, baptism and confirmation never stood separate. The sacrament of baptism was performed either by immersion, or by anointing with the holy oil or by imposition of hands or a combination of them. With the growing distance between the East and West, different actions gained prominence for the sacrament of baptism. There arose discussion to justify the different types of ceremonies – immersion or anointing & imposition of hands - in both the camps as to which of the two actions really communicated the Holy Spirit.  They came to a consensus that both effectively communicated the holy spirit but had different functions and purposes. The neophyte receives the Holy Spirit by the act of immersion – Baptism. The believer receives the Holy Spirit by the act of anointing and imposition of hands – Confirmation. The term occurs first in the Council of Reiz in France, 439.

Sacrament of Confirmation
After such explanation and understanding, in the tradition, henceforth it was agreed upon that sacrament of confirmation (i.e. post-baptismal anointing and imposition of hands) completes, finishes and perfects baptism. We understand the function of the Holy Spirit in the sacrament of confirmation in the light of its distinction and relatedness to the sacrament of Baptism. While baptism introduces us into the mystery (immersion/PDR of Christ), confirmation makes us disciples (imposition of Hands/Pentacost); former is more a treaty, later a seal and signature; former makes us sons/daughters (free from the sin of Adam) later prophets to the whole world to proclaim the good news (our experience of Christ); former is static the latter makes us dynamic.

Action of the Holy Spirit in Confirmation
Initially, the presence of the Holy Spirit effected an impressive physical and spiritual manifestation like glossalalia, charisms etc. The contemporary theology of confirmation on the other hand focuses on the intrinsic indelible impact of the sacrament on the believer. Moreover it is not an onetime event but one that is lived and developed during the whole course of life. Generally confirmation renders on the individual special and ecclesial impacts: 1) individual receives Grace & Gifts/Charisms of the Holy spirit, 2) an affinity in the welfare of the church community (active participation and later prophets/missionaries) and 3) openness to enter into dialogue with other churches if extended even other religions to create new heavens and new earth.


[1] To understand the Holy Spirit see Pneumatology. If I synthesize, I would define him as the force (Power) from God in Christ that inspires about our being, origin, destination, and the means to achieve it. 

CEREMONY OF LIGHTING CANDLE


Symbolism in Baptism


Following the symbols of ‘cleansing with water’, ‘anointing with holy oil’ and ‘clothing with white garment’, the symbolism of light is rich and meaningful for the newly baptized. He/she is now given the guiding principle for the future course of her life. We are cleansed from our sinfulness (water), anointed to be a prophet-priest-king, given the nature of our end (purity/white cloth) and now the path that leads us to such an end is ‘an enlightened life in Christ’ is symbolized by presenting the burning candle to the newly baptized flamed from the Paschal candle. Thus, we begin a ‘new life’.

The symbols are rich in signifying every one of these aspects: the candle of the baptized stands for the individual Christian, which is lit from the Paschal candle that stands for the risen Christ. It is then handed over to the newly baptized, symbolically saying – ‘be enlightened by Christ the eternal flame/wisdom’. The celebrant tells the recipient ‘receive the light’. Curiously in the adult baptism this makes a lot of sense. As if a gift is given in reward for the commitment he or she has taken with his/her consent for the baptism in the church. In the Infant baptism, the instruction is rendered to the parents and the god-parents about their responsibility to instruct the child in the teachings of Christ; that the newly baptized may understand in the future that s/he was brought up in light in accordance to the baptismal promise – a rare gift to the Christian.

It would fitting at this point to make cursory note about the history of the use of candles in the catholic worship. Historians of Christian tradition trace the origin of the use of candles to the influences of Judaism and Roman popular cults that revered light as the symbol of the divine presence. The use of candles for worship in the church is precisely tied to the Roman culture that used a candle like substance in its religious practices and other ceremonies. The name ‘candle’ was introduced as late as eighth century by the Catholic Church. In the first and second centuries, the Christians adapted the use of candles in its worship for their rich symbolism of divine presence and for other practical purposes like to dispel darkness in their secret worship.

History makes reference to the use of candles in worships and funerals of martyrs as early as third century, I quote:
The use of multitude of candles and lamps was undoubtedly a prominent feature of the celebrations of the Easter vigil, dating, we may believe, almost from Apostolic times. Eusebius (Vita Constant., IV, xxii) speaks of the ‘pillars of wax’ with which Constantine transformed night into day, and Prudentius and other authors have left eloquent descriptions of the brilliance within the churches.  (“Candles” Catholic Encyclopedia.)
Easter Candle
Later the council of Elvira (c. 300) condemns the use of candles at the cemetery during the day.  Hence it proves the use of candles right from the beginning of the church. The controversy comes to a close with St. Jerome explaining the symbolic significance – candles as sign of joy - of the use of candles. Probably it is for this reason that right from the beginning candles had a close association with Baptism and Easter Vigil. The sacrament for that matter was described as ‘illumination’. The theme forms part of the Exultet used even now on the Holy Saturday. It is highly probable that it was composed by St. Jerome, I quote:
[…] in this the idea of the supposed virginity of bees is insisted on, and the wax is therefore regarded as typifying in a most appropriate way the flesh of Jesus Christ born of a virgin mother. From this has sprung the further conception that the wick symbolizes more particularly the soul of Jesus Christ and the flame the Divinity which absorbs and dominates both. Thus the great paschal candle represents Christ, "the true light", and the smaller candles are typical of each individual Christian who strives to reproduce Christian his life. This symbolism we may say is still accepted in the Church at large. (“Candles” Catholic Encyclopedia)

The candles, thus gradually gained prominence with growing understanding of the wealth of their symbolic significance. It was used in every worships and sacraments except reconciliation even the excommunication ceremony had the symbol of candle being snuffed out a tragic representation of a life being excluded from the precious life of grace in the Catholic Church. Only in the 11th century did they make their appearance on the altar itself, a feature which became obligatory in the 17th century.

The light therefore entrusted to the child in the sacrament of baptism symbolizes the free gift of Christ given by God to the newly baptized. In our presence, as a result people would experience Jesus the light of the world - joy, life and truth! With this understanding let us now prayerfully take part in the ceremony of ‘lighted candle’ and pray for the baptized that he/she may live in accordance to this rich gift – a responsibility that is no less difficult in this world.

Bibliography

“What is the history of the use of candles in the catholic Church?” 27 Sept. 2012 <http://www.catholicenquiry.com/church-practices/what-is-the-history-of-the-use-of-candles-in-the-church.html>
“Why do Christians burn candles in Church?” 27 Sept. 2012 <http://www.churchhistory101.com/feedback/candles-church.php>
Horvat, Marian Therese. “Votive Candles, Fire and the Love of God.” <http://www.traditioninaction.org/religious/f004rp.htm>
Saunders, William. "The History of Votive Candles" Arlington Catholic Herald. <http://www.catholiceducation.org/articles/religion/re0434.html>
Thurston, Herbert. "Candles." The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 3. New York: Robert Appleton Company,1908. 27 Sept. 2012 <http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/03246a.htm>.

PAUL, THE APOSTLE


Historicity, Hermeneutics, His Origins
A discussion based on Roetzel, Calvin J. Paul: The Man and the Myth. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1999. 8-44.

image of Paul the Apostle
www.irishtimes.com
Our aim is to draw an authentic account of Early Paul motivated by an interest to perceive the mind of the author (Paul) in his letters. In the second testament literature Paul the apostle stands as the only author who can be studied with certainty. But the data are not as accessible as it is the case with other literature. “There are more gaps than text, more questions than answers, more imponderables than certainties”[1] about Paul says Calvin J. Roetzel, an acclaimed Pauline research scholar of the present times. The case of Paul is quite puzzling and difficult as we have more forceful account of the person, mission and details of his origins from the secondary sources – Acts, Deutero-Paulines and Deutero-canonicals - than some scattered references in his letters. The danger of mixing up resources is ever present. Take for example, Paul nowhere [in his letters] names a single miracle that he performed, other writers, such Luke in Acts, have dared to describe these in vivid detail. Similarly Luke advances the view that Paul was a Roman Citizen, that he spent his formative years in Jerusalem studying under the great rabbi Gamaliel II but evidences are insufficient to draw home a conclusion. While in his letters Paul makes a roundabout justification of his apostleship, the Deutero-Paulines acclaim him as chief among the apostles.

In Roetzel, we find a careful biographer who would weave the information in the order of hermeneutical importance[2] with an extensive access to recent scholarship on Paul to present to us a more authentic account of the origins, historical setting, and the worldview of Paul.

Origins: Jewish or Hellenistic Setting

Traditionally we narrow down Paul’s learning and growth to a Jewish setting but for his birth in a Hellenistic world. His letters portray him as more than mere native of a Hellenistic world. The question then is to find first, whether he grew up in the Hellenistic environment in contrast to the information given in Acts 22,3 “I am a Jew, born in Tarsus in Cilicia, but brought up in this city [Jerusalem] at the feet of Gamaliel”.

Scholars like W. C. Van Unnik (1910-1978) and Martin Hengel (1926-2009) affirm that Paul was profoundly influenced by Jerusalem than Tarsus, but do not agree on the medium of his communication while the former insists on Aramaic the latter stresses upon Greek. Hengel gained support from Adolf Deissmann (1866-1937). Deissmann argues that Paul was a Septuagint Jew. Hence it would be simplistic to push Tarsus completely to the background. Haenchen (1894-1975) on the other hand, notes the argument of Van Unnik does not stand a close scrutiny: Paul states that he was ‘unknown by sight to the churches in Judea’ Gal. 1.22.   Moreover Jerusalem is central importance to Lucan corpus. The information serves more for the development of Lucan theology than as a historical data about Paul. Finally there is no evidence in his letters that Paul knew or spoke Aramaic. Paul then was more a Jew brought in a Hellenistic setting than non-Hellenistic Jewish background. The argument gains more support as the city of Jerusalem, though was no stranger to Hellenism, but does not explain his familiarity with Septuagint, Stoicism, his acquaintance with literary styles unlike the hypothesis that he might have been Diaspora Jew, born and brought up in a Hellenistic setting.

The question about the city of his birth is not free from dispute. Was Paul a citizen of Tarsus? Most probably the information is authentic. Although we rely on Luke’s Acts for the information as it is validated by the thorough Hellenistic influence and its disinterest to Lucan theology.

Diaspora Jew: Life, Politics and Worship

Tarsus, the city of Paul’s origin gained importance for commerce, culture and literature since the ancient period in the Mediterranean world. It has always been the envy of different kingdoms hence an uninterrupted inflow of people of varied cultures and religions. Historical evidences thus affirm that it was a loci vibrant cosmopolitan culture. The city turned into a centre for the study of philosophy equal in par with Athens and Alexandria with the Hellenistic presence. This continued in the Roman Period. Such a cosmopolitan and erudite culture shaped Paul’s thinking.  Roetzel writes,
Here [Tarsus] Paul learned Greek as his first language, received his education, and was influenced by Hellenistic rhetoric and Stoic philosophy. Here he also learned a Jewish religion that was profoundly affected by this rich cultural environment. This great cultural heritage that joined Hellenistic and Jewish influences ideally equipped Paul to translate a gospel that was fundamentally Jewish for the Hellenistic world.[3]

 Scholars have no clue as to the purpose of the migration of Paul’s ancestors to a Hellenistic world. Though some lay it on the force by Roman rulers, it does not stand the history of Diaspora Jews before the Roman period. Hence Paul, Nils Dahl would note, lived in a Jewish community involved with and influenced by the dominant Hellenistic culture. The interactive Jewish presence in the Hellenistic world is evident from the Greek translation of Hebrew Scriptures and its importance in the life of Diaspora Jews in the Mediterranean world. Septuagint was more an adaptation of the religion to the new milieu than mere translation: ‘It gives us a window onto the Jewish community in Tarsus and insight into Paul’. [4]

Despite healthy adaptation of the religion to the culture, there was always a cautious resistance to preserve the identity and purity of the religion. Hence we also find similar tension of exclusion and inclusion in Pauline rhetoric: Rom. 9-11 Paul argues for the Gentiles but would never cut off Israel. Diaspora Jews also felt their minority status and were conscious of their vulnerability. Though Paul also had been influenced by Greek thought - The radical monotheism of Paul (that we all have one God/Father) arises from his influence of Greek philosophical monotheism that was universalistic and cosmopolitan -  yet he would always fight the popular religions of the day.

Icon of Paul from Orthodox church
Identity: Roman Citizen, Pharisee, and Persecutor of the Church

After this brief analysis of the historical setting, we work on the identity of Early Paul. Who was Paul? Generally we know him to be a passionate Jew, Pharisee ‘as to the law a Pharisee’ Phil. 3,5; a Roman citizen ‘is it legal for you to flog a Roman citizen who is uncondemned’ Acts 22,25; a persecutor of the church ‘ you have heard, no doubt, of my earlier life in Judaism. I was violently persecuting the church of God and was trying to destroy it’ Gal. 1,13; and tent maker 1Cor. 4,12. These descriptions though are derived from accounts of his life by him or by his disciples, not all are hermeneutically accurate in the literal sense. Nonetheless each one hint at a specific characteristic and function of Paul in his milieu.

Historicity of Paul’s Roman citizenship is highly disputed. We learn about it from the Lucan presentation of Paul. While some scholars like C. Bradford Welles, A. N. Sherwin-White, and Hengel accept it, they are based on unvalidated Jerome tradition. Hence does not stand the criticism. Other scholars W.W. Tarn, E.R. Goodenough, Vicor Teherikover, Stegemann, Conzelmann, Haenchen and Koester are skeptical about the historical accuracy of Paul’s citizenship. They place four major arguments to defend their position. First, the granting of citizenship to Jews in the first century was rare. It was availed only by wealthy and influential people. Though we imagine Paul to belong to an affluent section hence acquired citizenship, he makes no mention neither does it get validated. We are actually forced to think otherwise. He makes note about his necessity to work (1Cor. 4,12) and his habit of work. It is highly probable therefore that he hails from a working class family and acquired a skill as an artisan. There is a hint about the type of his labour ‘and because he was of the same trade, he stayed with them and they were working, for by trade they were tent-makers’Acts 18.3. It is authentic and proving then that Paul would not have gained the privilege of Roman citizenship.

Second, one of the conditions of citizenship was participation in civic cult. Historians were quick to the names of the persons who deserted their fathers traditions to become Roman citizens. They make no mention of Paul. Moreover with all the rearing in Judaic tradition and scripture and repeated claim his blamelessness (Phil. 3,5), Paul could not have been a Roman citizen. Third, in his letters there is no hint about his citizenship. Omissions, in closely related narratives on citizenship (Phil. 13.20) and Rome (Letter to Romans), strengthens our skepticism about his Roman citizenship. It is further puzzling how he endured sufferings to the point of death (2Cor. 1,8-9f) without a mention of his citizenship unlike the Lucan accounts in Acts.

Fourth it is evident that Paul’s Roman citizenship is directly related to Lucan theological interest. Conzelmann, Koester, Dibelius, Haenchen and Stegemann show that it served more Lucan apologetic interest to defend the innocence of early Christians. While we cannot be certain that he was not a citizen argument weigh against his Roman citizenship. During the Roman period Jews enjoyed the privilege to practice their religion and to manage their affairs. They had their own administrative and juridical organization called Politeuma. Mary Smallwood argues that it is possible that the reference to his citizenship may be indicating his membership in a Politeuma. She is supported y Applebaum. Further this fact connotes that Paul does not belong to an upper class society.

From the evidences of his membership in the Politeuma, we can imagine his active participation in the Diaspora Judaism: life, politics, worship and governance. He makes an unusual claim about his uprightness and dutifulness in Phil. 3,5-6 ‘circumcised the eighth day, of the nation of Israel, of the tribe of Benjamin, a Hebrew of Hebrews; as to the Law, a Pharisee; as to zeal, a persecutor of the church; as to the righteousness which is in the Law, found blameless’. We must understand what he means by the phrase ‘a Pharisee’. Pharisaism is very weak in the Diaspora. In the first century ‘Pharisaism’ enjoyed a variety of connotations. More than referring to individuals, it meant a take on Jewish religion opposed to cultic priests. It was a way of life/thought pattern within Judaism. So it is probable that Paul’s comment that he was ‘a Pharisee’ might be an indicator of his inclination towards pharisaic interpretation of scripture and tradition (religious practices) – theological background - gained from his parents and Jewish teachers in the Diaspora. This is further strengthened by our disapproval of Paul’s learning under Gamaliel the hinge which holds the conviction that he might have been a Pharisee in the real sense of the term. Further this gives a hint at the sort of persecution he inflicted upon the church (Messianists) who seemed to invite confusion in the communities. Unlike the dramatic persecution portrayed by Acts, Paul might have been opposing the emerging schism within Judaism for political and religious concerns. Romans opposed Messianists for the unrest induced by them. Moreover they were breaking the boundaries of Judaism in a time, when gentiles were overpowering them. However we find no consensus as to the nature and motivations of Paul’s persecution of the church. We are sure however, it never involved capital punishment.

Conclusion

Who is early Paul? He grew up in a strongly Hellenized Jewish setting probably in Tarsus. His learning, thinking and literary style happened within the Greek thought. He was a citizen of Politeuma, inclined to interpret religion as a Pharisee. Initially he had shown his disapproval of rising schism (Messianists) within Judaism. The data gives us the context that encompasses his writing – setting the ground to know the mind of the author.


[1] Calvin J. Roetzel, Paul: The Man and the Myth (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1999) 2.
[2] Roetzel writes, “Of primary importance in our study are the seven undisputed letters of Paul (I Thess., I Cor., 2 Cor., Gal., Phil., Philem., and Rom); of lesser but still valued significance for this study is Acts. Wherever disagreements occur in these two bodies of material, we shall give credence more readily to Paul’s own words.” For a comparison of the information about Paul from Acts and his undisputed Letters see Roeltzel, 10.
              [3] Roetzel, 14.
              [4] For further information on the adaptation of Hebrew Scriptures for the new milieu in the Septuagint see Roetzel, 17-18.

SHIFTING PERSPECTIVES ON THE GOSPEL PARABLES


Luke 15, 11-32: From the Title the Parable of ‘The Prodigal Son’ to the Parable of ‘The Father of Two Lost Sons’

a rabbi teaching about jesus of nazarene
taken from destination yisrael

After a systematic study of the Synoptic Gospels using historical critical method, there is a renewed awakening, among the scholars of the New Testament,[1] about the resourcefulness of Gospel parables to understand Jesus the person and His message in the last century. This recommitment to a closer study of the Gospel parables followed a nuanced understanding of parables as word-pictures, rich in imagery, founded on an ethnic background with its theology, cultural metaphors and historical shadows. Hence the scholars believe that we would miss what might be known about historical Jesus without the Gospel parables and vice versa. Gospel parables belong to a larger tradition that has begotten Jesus. A. M. Hunter, a respected scholar in the subject, affirms “Doubtless it was in the synagogue that Jesus first heard men talking in parables”.[2]

Jesus was a Jew and the parables represent a form of Judaism of his time. Jewish historians place Jesus in the final quarter of the second temple period.[3] Among the other Jewish sects of the time Pharisees were growing in influence and power with their development of the ‘Oral Torah’ used to interpret the written text of Hebrew Scriptures (TANAK).[4] Parables, which explain the rich theology (God and His relationship), and the principles of upright life revealed in the scriptures to common folk with simplicity, directness and full of everyday ordinariness, form part of this tradition. Jewish historians name this school as Pharisaic Judaism. Those who took upon the study and interpretation of the scriptures/law to the ordinary people among them were known as Rabbis. After the destruction of the temple with the course of time c. 2nd – 6th C. CE, the Rabbis developed into a separate sect called Rabbinic Judaism.[5]

We have parallels to Gospel parables in the Rabbinic Judaism. Cross textual studies show that Gospel and Rabbinic parables now belonging to different traditions share theological outlook, style and motifs with their foundations set in Second Temple Judaism. Hence scholars like Hunter, A.J. Heschel, Jakob Petuchowski, David Flusser and Brad H. Young - authorities in the interrelationships of the New Testament with the Judaism of the first centuries - promote the study of Gospel parables in the light of Jesus’ Jewish culture and his devotion to Torah. In the background of Judaism, the text begins to unveil much of the deeper meanings of parables for us. But too often our faith in Jesus overshadows the faith of Jesus. We tend to lose sight of the historical-religious setting of the New Testament texts falling into the trap of literalism or partial exegesis[6] in our interpretations. In the case of the Gospel parables, this becomes all the more important to perceive the nuances imbedded in the main line story. Every interpreter is also limited by time and place as well as by different religion and cultural orientations, unless one consciously walks past it through the (hermeneutical) method of self-appropriation. Moreover there is also the important exegetical work to carefully scrutinize the hand of the redactor in Jesus’ message to serve his purposes.

The problem we address here is the tendency to read Gospel parables belonging to a Jewish tradition in the light of the distanced Christian tradition. As a consequence our interpretations of these recorded sayings of Jesus remain far-fetched sometimes opposed to their authentic meaning. Parables remain closely related to their original context. Our aim in this paper is to demonstrate (1) the necessity of seeking cross-cultural aid, in this case the assistance of Jewish traditions to understand the Gospel parables and (2) the ensuing improvement in our understanding. We achieve it by presenting a Gospel parable, its major Christian interpretations and their critique; finally, compliment it by a reinterpretation in the light of Jewish tradition all the while depending solely on the scholarly work of Brad H. Young The Parables: Jewish Tradition and Christian Interpretation (1998) for our insights and interpretation.[7] We have chosen the parable of prodigal son, one that is unique and pivotal to Christian theology.

Parable of the Prodigal Son: Christian Interpretation

prodigal son by Frank Wesley
Lk. 15, 11-32, popularly known as the parable of the prodigal son, dramatizes the feud within a family of father and two sons to explain the crisis of broken relationships between God and a human being.  In the history of (Christian) interpretation, the parable has often been curbed to perspectives that highlight the unconditional love of the merciful father for his wayward son, or the Christological interpretation of identifying Jesus and his actions with the facets of the parable, or as yet another polemic against Pharisees/Pharisaism (legalism of Jews/legalistic Judaism) or a sum of these perspectives. 

Tertullian, the father of the Church, for example highlights the love of the father in the parable as symbolizing the unconditional love of God. Karl Barth makes a Christological reading. He parallels the ‘going out’ and ‘coming in’ of the prodigal son to the humiliation and exaltation of Jesus Christ. He sees in the narration of the events the symbolic expression of the Christian doctrine of the atonement: “…the going out and coming in of the lost son, and therefore the fall and blessing of man, takes place on the horizon of the humiliation [death on the cross] and exaltation [resurrection on the third day] of Jesus Christ and therefore of the atonement made in Him.”[8] Similarly Kenneth E. Bailey, a New Testament scholar, also makes a Christological interpretation. Unlike Barth, he sees a correspondence between the father who humbles himself and the incarnation of Jesus to redeem us from sin. Bailey writes, “When the father leaves the house to come out to his son in love and humility, he demonstrates at least in a part of the meaning of the incarnation and the atonement.”[9] Edward Schweizer, another New Testament scholar, finds correspondence between the father of the parable and Jesus in their conduct. He states that in narrating the parable Jesus, in his love for the sinners/tax collectors, positions himself in par with the God the Father’s unconditional love: “Of course there must be certain correspondence… he [Jesus] equates God’s own merciful conduct with his own conduct toward the tax collectors.”[10] Further Schweizer recognizes in the parable of the prodigal son the blasphemy, with its illustration of God as the loving father and the indirect comparisons between Jesus and God, which triggered the conviction and crucifixion of Jesus. The elder son of the story, on the other hand has no significance for the main line theme. Later the Christian exegetes adapted the character as a portrait of the pseudo-righteousness of the Pharisees.

Critique

While the Gospel parables have a message that transcends time, it is dubious whether such reinterpretations of the story in a new context retain their authentic meaning. Biblical scholarship (NT) on the inter-relationships between New Testament texts and Jewish traditions answers in the negative. It argues that most often such interpretations betray a total ignorance and insensitivity to the motif, style and the underlying theology of the Gospel composed in the context of first century Judaism – the second temple period. For example, in this case – parable of the Prodigal Son – the Christian interpretations hitherto are incomplete and partial. This story originally involves three family members. But, the elder son gets only a roundabout connection to the theme. He forms part of the family and is as important to the father as the younger one; hence all the three characters must be kept in view in our interpretations. Apart from the themes of forgiveness, compassion and reconciliation with God, there is no direct allusion to cross or resurrection. Such a reading by the later Christian theological mind into the dramatic story undermines the powerful message of Jesus in the parable. The parable is about God and his compassion for both the sons the elder one who pretends to serve him and the younger who abandons him. Barth and Bailey hence are not justified in making a Christian theological reading into the parable and attribute its implications to Jesus. Jesus is teaching about God’s loving nature, our folly and selfishness through this parable. The interpretations that tend to identify the younger son as the symbol of fallen humanity though stay, yet do not fully correspond to Jesus’ message. Jesus believed in the goodness of the people. Fallen nature of humanity, on the other hand belongs to Augustine of Hippo.

Schweizer is wrong in accusing Jewish theology as hostile to perceiving God as a merciful father and Jesus’ identification with God in his acts of mercy to sinners. First no one crucifies rabbis for telling parables. Second ‘the compassion of God towards a sinner’ does not constitute a blasphemy in the first century Judaism. The concept of God’s mercy to a repentant sinner had become a major doctrine of Jewish theology in the second temple period. There are parallels in the rabbinic parables. Moreover forgiving one’s neighbour (as God would do) is also a major tenet in Jewish thought; it is a prerequisite for seeking forgiveness from God. There are evidences in Hebrew Scriptures and in Mishnah. Hence Schweizer is unfounded in his interpretations of this parable as a ‘blasphemy’ in Judaism.  Finally the tendency to interpret the parable as a polemic against Pharisees is incorrect. Though Jesus criticized the hypocrisy of some Pharisees, he would not go against Pharisaism as a religious movement; the worldview of God as a merciful father, the shift from fear to love of the first century Judaism in the second temple period is a legacy of Pharisaic thought. Rabbinic Judaism is an offshoot of Pharisaic Judaism. The story deals with two types of people, the rebellious who abandon God and the others who want to belong for selfish reasons. Hence it is authentic to interpret the parable universally referring to the two types of people present everywhere. 

Parable of ‘The Father of Two Lost Sons’: Christian Interpretation in the Light of Jewish Tradition

All the three actors of the Gospel parable receive equal attention in the sight of the original audience of Jesus’ time. It therefore narrates a story of family crisis between a father and his two lost sons. The sons want to break their relationship with the father. The younger one makes it explicit by demanding his share of family inheritance; the elder desires it in silence. We should also listen to the silence of the elder brother. The Oral Torah permits the father to divide his inheritance before his death. Usually, this is done in times of the danger of death. The original audience of Jesus would have known this for certain as it was directly related to their normal living. But for them it is indigestible to know that the sons called for a division of the inheritance; because, younger’s request for his rightful share in the property implied a wish for the (earlier) death of his father.[11] The younger brother wants desperately to be totally cut off from the father. The audience could perceive it from his hurried travel to a distant land. The father, helpless, divides the property between his sons.

In the Jewish tradition, such crisis’ in the family obliges the elder brother to be the mediator to preserve the unity in the family. Hence all the more shocking for the original audience should have been the inaction of the elder brother about the division. Indirectly it implies then that he shares with his younger brother the death wish of their father; all this when their father is good, unconditionally loving and full of compassion. The goodness and compassion of the father becomes evident in the narration of his reception and his patient persuasion of the younger and elder sons respectively. The parable thus presents the wickedness of the sons in their intention to desert their father. Further it gets illustrated in the nature of relationship they shared with their father. Invariably both perceived their father as a banker. The younger brother therefore wants to grab his dew and run away. He returns to him with a contract; he is yet to understand the goodness and the love of his father. The case of the elder brother is much worse. Though he apparently projects to be obedient, his heart is far away from the love of his father. Neither is he sincerely interested in the welfare of the family. He seeks wealth. He desires to possess his double portion of the wealth which is due to the elder son in a Jewish family. The idea is threatened by the return of his younger brother and joyful acceptance in the family by the father. He fumes in anger at the father. The father persuades him to join the celebration, he fails to consent. He is yet to understand the love of his father and reconcile with his brother.

The Gospel parable picturesquely personifies: first, God as the compassionate father, unconditionally loving and accepting every repentant sinner into his kingdom; and second the need to reconcile with one another. The theological view of this Gospel parable is also shared by Rabbinic Judaism. There are Rabbinic parables in the same line like The Compassionate Father and His Lost Son[12], The Compassionate Father and His Runaway Son,[13] and The Compassionate Father and His Obstinate Son[14] explaining the Written Torah in the context of their life. Hence a quick glance of these similar texts help us grasp better feel the mind of Jesus in his parable. However revolutionary one’s ideas are the message freely unveils in the context of one’s time – religion, culture and socio-political situation. The message of Jesus is no exception. His idea of God as the Compassion Father and the instance of two lost sons has deep roots in the rich tradition of Written Torah and socio-political climate of the time. 

The description of the departure of the wayward son to a distant country, low morality and poverty evoked strong emotions of resentment among the original audience, given the situation of the first century Judaism. There is also note that the depiction of the poverty of younger brother gives a picture of the anti-Semitic biases amidst the Gentiles during the time of Jesus.

Conclusion

Our aim in this paper was to explain the uncompromising need to interpret Gospel parables in the light of the larger tradition where it rightfully belongs. For that matter, everything Christian in as much as Jesus’ message is concerned should be viewed in the context of the first century Judaism and the sects that developed thereafter. Apart from identifying the original message minus the redactors hand to serve his purpose and analyzing the literary form of parables; Gospel parables begin to open up placing them in the background of the Judaism of Jesus’ time. Hence we have driven home the importance of Jewish tradition to understand the Gospel parables. We have demonstrated it through a sample hermeneutical study of Lk. 15, 11-32. Our intention is not to deny the originality of Jesus and his message instead to affirm our relatedness to His faith and the possibility of mutual enrichment with our parent religion.



[1] For a detail list of the names of the scholars with bibliography on the subject see Brad H. Young, The Parables: Jewish Tradition and Christian Interpretation, paper back edn. (Peabody: Hendrickson Publishers, 2008) 299-300. 
[2] A.M Hunter, Interpreting the Parables (London: SCM, 1972) 8 as cited in Young, 4. He contends this in the context of theories that project Jesus as the inventor of parabolic teaching see J.Jeremias, Parables of Jesus, trans. S.H. Hooke (London: SCM, 1972).
[3] The second temple period (c. 5th C. BCE to 4th C. CE)  can be broadly divided into four quarters from the perspective of the different groups that ruled over the land: Persians (583-333 BCE), Hellenists (332 – 142 BCE), Hasmonians (142-63 BCE) and Romans (63 BCE-313 CE). See “History: Second Temple Period – Return to Zion,” accessed from < http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Facts+About+Israel/History/HISTORY-+The+Second+Temple.htm> on 01.10.2012; “Timeline of Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity,” accessed from < http://www.annettereed.com/westciv/timeline-jchr.pdf> on 01.10.2012; and “Timeline of Judaism after the Babylonian Exile,” accessed from <http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/History/exile2.html> on 01.10.2012.
[4] Charles Ess, “Timeline: The Development of Israelite Religion / Judaism,
the Emergence of the Hebrew Bible and the Oral Torah,” accessed from <http://www.drury.edu/ess/values/hebrewscriptures.html> on 01.10.2012.
[5] The information is gathered from a collective reading of the resources from Wikipedia. “Rabbinic Judaism”, “Origins of Rabbinic Judaism” and “Pharisees,” accessed from <http://en.wikipedia.org > on 01.10.2012.
[6] Partial exegesis refers to the historical-critical study with prejudices that blind the interpreter to the facts quintessential to understand the text. In our case of the Gospel parables, a Christian interpreter sidelines the importance of the original context of the message of Jesus to reduce them as a background to His message, due to his/her Christian prejudice against Judaism.
[7] Young, 130-157. Our interest is two of the four disciplines of research offered by Young in this book. Other than examining the parallel sources and theology of Jesus’ time, he invites to do: 1) textual analysis between the synoptic texts to identify the redactors hand and 2) Linguistic examination of the Gospel parables from Greek to their Hebrew translation - the original language. Young, 28-29.
[8] Karl Barth, Church Dogmatics, trans. G. W. Bromiley (Edinburgh:  T. & T. Clark, 1936-1962) 4/2: 23 as cited in Young, 131.
[9] Kenneth E. Baily, Poet and Peasant (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1976) 190 as cited in Young, 132.
[10] E. Schweizer, Jesus (London: SCM, 1971) 28 as cited in Young, 133.
[11] To understand the grave offense of such a request to a healthy father we should read texts that expound the middle eastern culture. See Baily, Poet and Peasant and Through Peasant Eyes (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 1980). Baily has an incident similar to the one discussed here. See, Poet and Peasant, 162 n. 73 as cited in Young, 144.

[12] For the text see Young, 148-149.
[13] For the text see Young, 151.

[14] For the text see Young, 152.